AFENIFERE DISOWNS TINUBU SUPPORTERS

Afenifere  is compelled to make this once and for all denunciation of a group of Tinubu followers who assembled in Ibadan yesterday to abuse the name of Afenifere the way Yahoo boys do on the internet claiming to be what they are not  to engage in fraudulent activities. 

We ordinarily would  not respond to a gathering of historical renegades  but for the sake of the unwary who may have been confused by the nefarious action of these impostors. 

We say without equivocation that minus Senator Ayo Fasanmi who had a past connection with Afenifere till 2003 and Senator Olabiyi Durojaye   who is presently an employee of Buhari,all the others at the summit including Prof Yemi Osinbajo have never been known in Afenifere. 

If these are Afenifere, they would never have gathered for Buhari's endorsement in any part of Yorubaland on a day the The Nigerian Tribune,the legacy of Awolowo who is the founder of Afenifere was being relaunched. 

The disdain of this group for Awo legacy is exemplified by the fact that Vice President Osinbajo was in attendance .Here is a man married to Awo's grand daughter but has absented himself from Awo's remembrance activities for over three decades. He has never been at an Afenifere meeting for once in his life. He has busied himself in recent years failingling  tearing Awo's thoughts into pieces to impress his masters that he is married into Awo family but he is not of his school of thought. 

That a man who calls himself a Pastor would be found among impersonators for cheap political ends confirms the question mark put on his integrity by Al Jazeera Television in a documentary on his perdifious role in Pfizer's destruction of scores of lives in Kano  in an illegal guinea pig operation. Osinbajo got a court order to stop the airing of the documentary by AIT in 2015.We now know that character deficit cannot be fixed by any court declaration just as the Pastor's collar cannot make up for  character deficit .

The godfather of this fake group is of course Bola Tinubu who was made Governor by Afenifere in 199 when the real man was not known.

Since he  Afenifere asked him to bring his    certificates to Pa Onasanya's house in 2000  (he has not done so till date) following the scandals around him ,he has worked overtime to ensure that Yorubaland is not settled to get back to authenticating the false claims around every aspect of his life .

These are the leaders of Buhari 's backers in South West today who are claiming to be Afenifere the way their paymaster claimed schools he never attended from Primary to University. 

Afenifere and mainstream Yoruba reject Buhari not only for his humiliation  of Awolowo,our founding Leader by the Gestapo invasion of his home as a military tyrant and the locking up of his successor,Pa Adekunle  Ajasin even when no corruption was found him;but also because his rule has been unmitigated disaster for the Yoruba who have lost precious lives to Fulani herdsmen who have Buhari as their grand patron and not one of them brought to book.

Life has become unbearable for Yoruba and all Nigerians under Buhari and his second term (God forbid ) will be hell on earth  for our people. 

We are committed to the restructuring of Nigeria and we shall be naming the candidate we believe can give us a working Nigeria under Federalism in a few days time.

Finally,we tell the Tinubu followers that we don't deny  them the right to support Buhari .If they call themselves South West Miyetti Allah,it worries us not. They should only stop the fraudulent claim to Afenifere .

Yinka Odumakin. 

National Publicity Secretary. 

Afenifere. 

Fw: THE POLITICAL IMPASSE IN CARACAS:SHOULD NIGERIANS BE WORRIED.

Editorial ;Voxpopulid

There are 2 presidents in Venezuela: Nicolas Maduro and Juan Guiado. While Maduro is recognized by Russia, Mexico, Turkey and China: Guiado is recognized by US, UK and Canada. The simple reason is because there are 2 Supreme Courts( one court in exile) each recognizing one of the rivals and not the other. Does that sound familiar to what is currently evolving in Nigeria? The Tuesday meeting of the NJC was chaired by Justice Umar Abdullahi, a secondary school classmate to President Buhari. They obviously don't see eye to eye. Buhari would recently refer to Abdullahi using the most uncomplimentary terms when he hosted his Dodan Barracks aides last week at the Villa. The law is however supposed to be blind to sentiments. Or is it not in political cases? On 10th of June 10th 1993, the Association for Better Nigeria (ABN) pleaded to an Abuja High Court that the presidential elections scheduled to take place 2 days ahead should be halted. The presiding judge was Mrs. Bassey Ikpeme who had previously served as an intern in the law offices of then serving AGF Clement Akpamgbo. Her choice by then FCT Chief Judge Dahiru Saleh was therefore curious. Justice Saleh would claim the case was so politically sensitive that Ikpeme despite being a "rookie judge" presiding over her very first case on the Bench was "ethnically neutral". The Chief Judge justified his decision on the basis that he refused to appoint "Justices AFD Kuti and AA Kolajo because they were Yoruba like the SDP presidential candidate Chief MKO Abiola. He did not appoint Justices SD Bage and MI Bukar because they were Kanuris like Abiola's running mate, Babagana Kingibe, and the NRC candidate Bashir Tofa. He also declined to appoint Justice Onojeme because he was Igbo, like Tofa's running mate Chief Sylvester Ugwu"

It is against such a complex background that President Buhari recounted as earlier mentioned (when he was thrashing Justice Abdullahi in public) how a particular "Igbo Christian" judge in contrast delivered a minority decision in his favor at the apex court during the Daura warlord's 12 year journey to Aso Rock Villa. Buhari mentioned how he compensated the judge as Nigeria's ambassador to the US. Simply put the president is implying that there are rewards and sanctions for the members of the Nigerian Bench depending on the outcome any particular ruling – would such baiting now split the NJC? Why Mr. President would make such a politically reckless statement in the public domain just before suspending Onnoghen is shocking. It is obvious President Buhari does not listen to advice. Or if he does doesn't understand the importance or understanding is just feeling politically suicidal.

While acting CJN Tanko Muhammad was sworn-in in broad daylight Justice Ikpeme delivered her judicial ruling to stop the June 12 elections by night at 10 pm. It did not stop Justice Moshood Olugbani of the Lagos judicial division to deliver a counter ruling the next morning that the elections should proceed. With such contradictory judgments the battle moved to the chambers in the same Aso Rock Villa where President Buhari announced to the nation the suspension of CJN Walter Onnoghen. The then military president, IBB after careful reflection and much to the consternation of his brother officers overruled the court and directed the National Electoral Commission (NEC) under Prof. Humphrey Nwosu that the June 12 elections go on unhindered. The American embassy would nevertheless play a critical role in IBB's decision. Mike O'Brien the embassy spokesperson had publicly warned that after Ikpeme's ruling that "We are awaiting the Federal Military Government's reaction to the high court's decision. However any postponement of tomorrow's election is unacceptable to the US government". Fast forward to Garba Shehu's scathing statement in apparent reply to the same embassy among others including the British High Commission over concerns over the CJN Onnoghen debacle when the spokesman rallied against "foreign interference into the nation's affairs, capable of creating apprehension, distrust among citizens or undermining the transparency and acceptability of outcomes of the nation's electoral process". But didn't President Buhari previously praise the US government for their role in the 2015 elections? Lest we forget the US openly interfered against the political interests of Goodluck Jonathan back then. What about when President Buhari directly interfered in the Gambian presidential elections that Adama Barrow won but Yahya Jammeh rejected the outcome? Can the center hold in the NJC? If it doesn't Nigeria might end up with 2 Supreme Courts which by implication might mean 2 presidents after February 16.

If President Buhari had known that suspending Onnoghen would resurrect Justice Abdullahi as the interim chairman of NJC he would have been more circumspect. The June 12 crisis started with just one wrong move in the judiciary. The ABN having failed to stop the elections from taking place returned for another injunction restraining the full declaration of the results. The rest is now history. What would happen if the NJC defies the FG and returns Onnoghen? What of if it does not due to more security reports indicting the suspended CJN? Never underestimate the power of unintended consequences.

THE POLITICAL IMPASSE IN CARACAS:SHOULD NIGERIANS BE WORRIED.

Editorial ;Voxpopulid

There are 2 presidents in Venezuela: Nicolas Maduro and Juan Guiado. While Maduro is recognized by Russia, Mexico, Turkey and China: Guiado is recognized by US, UK and Canada. The simple reason is because there are 2 Supreme Courts each recognizing one of the rivals and not the other. Does that sound familiar to what is currently evolving in Nigeria? The Tuesday meeting of the NJC was chaired by Justice Umar Abdullahi, a secondary school classmate to President Buhari. They obviously don't see eye to eye. Buhari would recently refer to Abdullahi using the most uncomplimentary terms when he hosted his Dodan Barracks aides last week at the Villa. The law is however supposed to be blind to sentiments. Or is it not in political cases? On 10th of June 10th 1993, the Association for Better Nigeria (ABN) pleaded to an Abuja High Court that the presidential elections scheduled to take place 2 days ahead should be halted. The presiding judge was Mrs. Bassey Ikpeme who had previously served as an intern in the law offices of then serving AGF Clement Akpamgbo. Her choice by then FCT Chief Judge Dahiru Saleh was therefore curious. Justice Saleh would claim the case was so politically sensitive that Ikpeme despite being a "rookie judge" presiding over her very first case on the Bench was "ethnically neutral". The Chief Judge justified his decision on the basis that he refused to appoint "Justices AFD Kuti and AA Kolajo because they were Yoruba like the SDP presidential candidate Chief MKO Abiola. He did not appoint Justices SD Bage and MI Bukar because they were Kanuris like Abiola's running mate, Babagana Kingibe, and the NRC candidate Bashir Tofa. He also declined to appoint Justice Onojeme because he was Igbo, like Tofa's running mate Chief Sylvester Ugwu"

It is against such a complex background that President Buhari recounted as earlier mentioned (when he was thrashing Justice Abdullahi in public) how a particular "Igbo Christian" judge in contrast delivered a minority decision in his favor at the apex court during the Daura warlord's 12 year journey to Aso Rock Villa. Buhari mentioned how he compensated the judge as Nigeria's ambassador to the US. Simply put the president is implying that there are rewards and sanctions for the members of the Nigerian Bench depending on the outcome any particular ruling – would such baiting now split the NJC? Why Mr. President would make such a politically reckless statement in the public domain just before suspending Onnoghen is shocking. It is obvious President Buhari does not listen to advice. Or if he does doesn't understand the importance or understanding is just feeling politically suicidal.

While acting CJN Tanko Muhammad was sworn-in in broad daylight Justice Ikpeme delivered her judicial ruling to stop the June 12 elections by night at 10 pm. It did not stop Justice Moshood Olugbani of the Lagos judicial division to deliver a counter ruling the next morning that the elections should proceed. With such contradictory judgments the battle moved to the chambers in the same Aso Rock Villa where President Buhari announced to the nation the suspension of CJN Walter Onnoghen. The then military president, IBB after careful reflection and much to the consternation of his brother officers overruled the court and directed the National Electoral Commission (NEC) under Prof. Humphrey Nwosu that the June 12 elections go on unhindered. The American embassy would nevertheless play a critical role in IBB's decision. Mike O'Brien the embassy spokesperson had publicly warned that after Ikpeme's ruling that "We are awaiting the Federal Military Government's reaction to the high court's decision. However any postponement of tomorrow's election is unacceptable to the US government". Fast forward to Garba Shehu's scathing statement in apparent reply to the same embassy among others including the British High Commission over concerns over the CJN Onnoghen debacle when the spokesman rallied against "foreign interference into the nation's affairs, capable of creating apprehension, distrust among citizens or undermining the transparency and acceptability of outcomes of the nation's electoral process". But didn't President Buhari previously praise the US government for their role in the 2015 elections? Lest we forget the US openly interfered against the political interests of Goodluck Jonathan back then. What about when President Buhari directly interfered in the Gambian presidential elections that Adama Barrow won but Yahya Jammeh rejected the outcome? Can the center hold in the NJC? If it doesn't Nigeria might end up with 2 Supreme Courts which by implication might mean 2 presidents after February 16.

If President Buhari had known that suspending Onnoghen would resurrect Justice Abdullahi as the interim chairman of NJC he would have been more circumspect. The June 12 crisis started with just one wrong move in the judiciary. The ABN having failed to stop the elections from taking place returned for another injunction restraining the full declaration of the results. The rest is now history. What would happen if the NJC defies the FG and returns Onnoghen? What of if it does not due to more security reports indicting the suspended CJN? Never underestimate the power of unintended consequences.

PRESS RELEASE

PRESS RELEASE

              29th January, 2019

NJC ends Emergency Meeting

Gives Hon. Mr. Justice W.S.N. Onnoghen, GCON and Hon. Mr. Justice I.T. Muhammad, CFR seven (7) working days to respond to petitions.  

Refers petition against CCT Chairman, Danladi Yakubu Umar to the Federal Judicial Service Commission (FJSC).

To reconvene on 11th February, 2019.

The National Judicial Council held an Emergency Meeting today and considered four (4) petitions filed at its Secretariat.  The petitions are:

Petition against Hon. Mr. Justice W.S.N. Onnoghen, GCON by Zikhrillahi Ibrahim of Resource Centre for Human Rights & Civil Education;

Petition against Hon. Mr. Justice Ibrahim Tanko Muhammad, CFR by Centre for Justice and Peace Initiative;

Petition against Hon. Mr. Justice Ibrahim Tanko Muhammad, CFR by Olisa Agbakoba, SAN, OON; and

Petition against Hon. Danladi Yakubu Umar, Chairman, Code of Conduct Tribunal by Centre for Justice and Peace Initiative.

Council referred the petition against Hon. Danladi Yakubu Umar to the Federal Judicial Service Commission (FJSC) which is the appropriate constitutional body empowered to deal with it.

In line with its procedure, Council also forwarded the petitions against Hon. Justices W.S.N. Onnoghen, GCON and I. T. Muhammad, CFR to them for their responses.

In view of the gravity of the matters involved, Council abridged the usual response period from fourteen (14) to seven (7) working days for the Hon. Justices to respond.

Hon. Mr. Justice W. S. N. Onnoghen, GCON and Hon. Mr. Justice I.T. Muhammad, CFR recused themselves from the meeting.  Consequently, Council elected Hon. Mr. Justice Umaru Abdullahi, CON, former President of the Court of Appeal as Interim Chairman to preside over the meeting.

Council will reconvene on the 11th February, 2019.

Soji Oye, Esq.

Director (Information)

NEWS NUGGET- AMBODE'S IMPEACHMENT

NEWS NUGGET- AMBODE'S IMPEACHMENT 

Tinubu and Lagos APC asked my boss Ambode to donate 10Billion for APC campaigns and he refused.. I guess that's why tinubu wants to impeach him~

 (Tunde Adeniran Aide to Governor Ambode)

I am sharing 'DID I HEAR GOVERNMENT SAY FOREIGN COUNTRIES ARE MEDDLING IN OUR INTERNAL AFFAIRS.doc' with you

Shared from Word for Android  https://office.com/getword

Sent from Yahoo Mail on Android

The Hypocrisy Of Justice Mohammed, A Key Member Of The NJC

The Hypocrisy Of Justice Mohammed, A Key Member Of The NJC 

Osa-OP

Can the Acting Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Tanko Mohammed, who was a critical member of the National Judicial Council, which sanctioned Justice Obisike Orji by forcing him to go on a compulsory retirement for allowing himself to be sworn in as the Acting Chief Judge of Abia State without being recommended by the council, head the judiciary? Davidson Iriekpen asks

A story was once told that when Governor Rauf Aregbesola of Osun State in 2012 failed in his bid to foist Justice Joseph Oyewole on the judiciary as Chief Judge, he settled for Justice Gloria Oladoke instead of Justice Oyebola Ojo.

Investigation revealed that at the meeting of the National Judicial Council (NJC) as Justice Oladoke introduced herself as the acting Chief Judge of Osun State, below was the response she got from the then Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN) and Chairman of the NJC, Justice Mariam Aloma Mukhtar: "Who invited you here? You don't belong here. Please excuse us. Get out!"

Voxipopulid gathered that it took this decision by the NJC for Governor Aregbesola to know that he should follow the rule by appointing the most senior judge of the state.

In Rivers State, a few years after, Justice Peter Agumagu, who was appointed Chief Judge by Governor Chibuike Amaechi was rejected by the NJC equally headed by Justice Mukhtar. The NJC had directed that Justice Daisy Okocha be sworn in as Chief Judge of the state, a decision Amaechi refused to comply with.

The NJC consequently queried and suspended Justice Agumagu as a judicial officer by the NJC for allegedly violating Section 271(1) of the constitution by submitting himself for confirmation by the state House of Assembly and swearing-in by the governor as the state's substantive Chief Judge without being recommended by the council.
The body claimed it acted pursuant to paragraph 21(d) of Part 1 of the Third Schedule to the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, as amended.


The most recent was on March 14, 2018, when the council at its 85th meeting under the chairmanship of Justice Walter Onnoghen, declared the suspension of the Chief Judge of Abia State Justice T. U. Uzokwe, by Governor Okezie Ikpeazu as unconstitutional.

It also sanctioned Justice Obisike Orji, by forcing him to go on a compulsory retirement for allowing himself to be sworn in as the Acting Chief Judge of Abia State without being recommended by the council. It stressed that the decision to suspend the chief judge and the swearing-in of an acting chief judge without the input of the NJC was unconstitutional, null and void.


The NJC statement then said: "The suspension of the Chief Judge of Abia State (Justice Theresa Uzokwe) by the State House of Assembly without a prior recommendation by the National Judicial Council violates the provisions of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

"Consequently, the subsequent act of appointing and swearing-in of Justice Obisike Orji as the Acting Chief Judge is invalid for being unconstitutional. Furthermore, the conduct of Justice Obisike Orji in presenting himself to be sworn in raises potential questions of misconduct that Council is now looking into. Council therefore resolved to query and suspend Hon. Mr. Justice Obisike Orji pending the outcome of its investigation."

The above carefully demonstrates the importance the NJC attaches to the adherence to the constitution and due process. But all these were shattered on Friday when President Muhammadu Buhari unilaterally suspended Onnoghen and promptly swore in Justice Tanko Mohammed.

Though the president defended his action by citing an order from the Code of Conduct Tribunal, directing Onnoghen's suspension, his action has been described by a cross section of lawyers and others as a judicial coup.

Onnoghen's travails first began in 2016, when the president refused to confirm his elevation as the CJN. But as fate would have it, Vice-President Yemi Osinbajo, who was then the Acting President, swore him into office when the president was away on medical vacation.

About six months after he took office, there were rumours that he was being investigated, but each time the rumour came, the agencies accused would deny it. However, on January 7, a civil society group, the Anti-Corruption and Research Based Data Initiative, filed a petition with the Code of Conduct Bureau, accusing him of corruption and false declaration of assets.

A six-count charge was drafted at the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT). Initially the presidency denied having anything to do with his arraignment. In spite of the criticisms that the move against Onnoghen did not follow laid-down rules, the trial proceeded with unusual speed.


Last Thursday, the Court of Appeal in Abuja, in its ruling, ordered the CCT to stay action, pending the determination of Onnoghen's application that the CCT had no power to try him.

But while Nigerians were waiting for the ruling, the president on Friday confirmed the fears that it was indeed behind the travail of the embattled CJN by proceeding with his suspension and the swearing-in of the Justice Mohammed in acting capacity.

The question begging for answers from observers is, should Mohammed have taken the position, when as a critical member of the NJC, he was part of the decision that forced Justice Orji to go on compulsory retirement for allowing himself to be sworn in as the Acting Chief Judge of Abia State?

They reasoned that both the suspension of Onnoghen and swearing-in of Muhammed in acting capacity by President Buhari followed the same pattern of how Justice Theresa Uzokwe was suspended by the Abia State House of Assembly and Justice Orji subsequently sworn in as acting Chief Judge of the state by Governor Ikpeazu.

The Illegality Of The Suspension Of The CJN: 20 Points.

The Illegality Of The Suspension Of The CJN: 20 Points.

Osa 

@POLITICSNGR

The purported suspension of the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Honourable Justice Walter Onnoghen, by President Muhammadu Buhari is unequivocally unconstitutional, illegal, immoral and grossly indefensible. What General Buhari has done, putting it mildly, is a brazen coup against democracy.

The following 20 (twenty) points are worth noting:

1. The office of the CJN is not a ministerial or extra-ministerial position. It is a creation of Sections 230 (1) (a) and 231 (1) and (2) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended) (subsequently referred to as 'the Constitution').

2. The Chief Justice of Nigeria is the head and symbol of authority of the Nigerian Judiciary. The Judiciary is neither an agency of the federal government nor a department in the Executive. It is one of the three Arms of Government and is established by Section 6 of the Constitution. The CJN is to the judicial arm of government what the President is to the executive arm. The three arms are co-equals and none is subservient to the other.

3. The President cannot appoint or remove the CJN unilaterally. The Constitution has explicitly stated the procedure for the appointment and removal of the CJN and no court, tribunal, president or other authority or person in Nigeria can derogate from, override or alter the said procedure.

4. By Section 231 (1) and (2) of the Constitution, the appointment of the CJN requires the compulsory involvement of the three arms of government. The President appoints the CJN on the recommendation of the National Judicial Council (NJC) subject to the approval of the Senate.

5. By virtue of Section 292 (1) and Paragraph 20 and 21 of the Third Schedule to the Constitution, the CJN enjoys security of tenure and is not removable except within the strict procedure and for the specific reasons enshrined therein.

6. The CJN as a judicial officer can only be removed from office by the President acting on an address supported by two thirds majority of the Senate for his inability to discharge the functions of his office or appointment (whether arising from infirmity of mind or body) or for misconduct or contravention of the Code of Conduct. Anything contrary to this procedure is unconstitutional.

7. The NJC has not recommended the removal of Justice Onnoghen to the President. The NJC has not exercised its exclusive disciplinary control over Justice Onnoghen. Only the NJC is constitutionally vested with the power of disciplinary control, including power of suspension, over a judicial officer. In exercising that power, Section 158 (1) of the Constitution states that the NJC shall not be subject to the direction or control of any other authority or person. See the case of HON. JUSTICE RALIAT ELELU-HABEEB & ANOR. ATTORNEY-GENERAL OF THE FEDERATION & 2 ORS. (2012) NWLR (PT. 629) 1011 where the Supreme Court emphatically pronounced on the issue of how a judicial officer can be sanctioned.

8. I have perused the Certified True Copy of the enrolled ex-parte order made by the Code of Conduct Tribunal dated Wednesday, 23rd January, 2019. I find the said order extremely offensive to the Rule of Law. The Order seeks to achieve that which the Constitution has unarguably forbidden.

9. The enrolled order signed by the Chairman of the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT), Hon. Danladi Y. Umar, and one other member of the Tribunal (Hon. Mrs. Julie A. Anabor), purports to direct Hon. Justice Onnoghen to ''step aside'' as the CJN and Chairman of the NJC pending the determination of the Motion on Notice dated the 10th day of January, 2019. On the face of the said order, the name of the legal practitioner who moved the motion ex-parte is not stated. This is rather strange. Did the Tribunal suo moto (on its own motion) move the motion?

10. Interestingly, the same Tribunal sat on Tuesday, 22nd January, 2019 and adjourned to Monday, 28th January, 2019 to rule on the Preliminary Objection filed by Justice Onnoghen challenging the jurisdiction of the CCT to try him without recourse to the NJC contrary to the decision of the Court of Appeal in the case of NGANJIWA v FRN (2017) LPELR-43391(CA).

11. The law is firmly settled that once the jurisdiction of a court or judicial tribunal is challenged, the only jurisdiction the court has is to determine whether it has jurisdiction. The CCT having been seized of the frontal challenge to its jurisdiction, could not have granted an ex-parte order on the 23rd of January, 2019 without determining whether it has jurisdiction. In the recent case of ATTORNEY-GENERAL OF THE FEDERATION v. ATTORNEY-GENERAL OF LAGOS STATE (2017) LPELR-42769(SC), the Supreme Court restated this sacrosanct principle thus:
"There is no gainsaying that issue of jurisdiction is radical and a crucial point which when raised, is challenging the competence of the Court to hear and determine the case. Any proceedings conducted by a Court which does not have jurisdiction, no matter how well or brilliantly it was conducted is a nullity. See Dapianlong vs Dariye (2007) 8 NWLR (pt. 1036) 332. That is the more reason why when Court's jurisdiction is challenged, the Court must first of all assume jurisdiction to decide whether in very clear and unambiguous terms, it has or lacks jurisdiction. See State Dosunmu Mansion vs Halliburton Energy Services Ltd (2007) 2 NWLR [pt.108) 211; Nnonye v Anyichie (2005) 2 NWLR (pt. 910) 623. Per SANUSI, J.S.C. (p. 43-45, pp. D - A).

12. The CCT, without determining whether it has jurisdiction over Justice Onnoghen as required by law, proceeded to give a flagrantly illegal order purporting to suspend the CJN from office. That order, with the greatest respect, is reminiscent of the inglorious order given by Justice Bassey Ikpeme stopping further announcement of results of the June 12, 1993 presidential election which crystalized into the criminal nullification of the June 12, 1993 election by the Babangida junta."

13. I have read the long statement made by President Buhari while swearing-in Hon. Justice Ibrahim Tanko Mohammed as the Acting Chief Justice of Nigeria. Buhari struggled unsuccessfully to justify his unlawful action by relying on the order of the CCT. The Constitution does not say that the President shall suspend the CJN based on the order of a court or tribunal. It is a desecration of our Constitution for Buhari to suspend Justice Onnoghen.

14. Those arguing that the President merely suspended the CJN and has not removed him are either oblivious of the law or willfully mischievous. The CJN is not an appointee of the President and does not hold office at the pleasure of the President.

15. President Buhari cannot suspend the CJN. The CCT cannot give an order directing the President to remove or suspend the CJN. The CCT cannot ask the CJN to ''step aside''. This conspiratorial attack on the institution of the Judiciary is a dangerous precedent. Can a judge give an order suspending the President from office without recourse to the National Assembly? If the answer is in the negative, why should the President suspend the CJN whose tenure is constitutionally protected without recourse to the NJC and the Senate as prescribed in the Constitution?

16. The CCT Chairman, Danladi Umar, is himself a subject of a pending criminal charge filed by Mr. Festus Keyamo at the Federal High Court on behalf of the EFCC. The CCT Chairman despite the pendency of the criminal charges against him, has not stepped aside and has not been suspended.

17. Mr. Okoi Obono-obla, the President's aide on Public Prosecutions, has not been fired, arrested or prosecuted despite his indictment by the House of Representatives for certificate forgery as attested publicly by the West African Examination Council. Mr. Maina is yet to be prosecuted for allegedly stealing pension funds. There are myriads of odiferous corruption cases against people and officials who are close to this President. Yet, Buhari continues to shield alleged criminals who are his friends and party men. Mr. Buhari is accusing Justice Onnoghen of failure to declare his assets, however, it is on record that Buhari's own asset declaration is still shrouded in secrecy, and has not been publicly disclosed as he vehemently promised in 2015. What could be more hypocritical than this?

18. One wonders whether a single Justice of the Supreme Court can determine the decision of the court. The Supreme Court sits in a panel of five or seven Justices. If a decision of the Supreme Court is fraudulent procured through bribery, it is only logical to infer that all or majority of the members of the panel were bribed. I am not holding brief for Justice Onnoghen. However, given the delay that greeted the appointment of Justice Onnoghen, one is tempted to ask whether his security clearance was compromised?

19. Prof. Itse Sagay has stated that the suspension of Justice Onnoghen is constitutional because the President is empowered to remove the CJN for breach of the Code of Conduct. The learned silk, with respect, is turning the law on its head. That line of argument is inconsistent with the right to presumption of innocence enshrined in Section 36(5) of the Constitution. Justice Onnoghen has not been convicted by any court or tribunal. It is therefore preposterous to say that the President can remove him for violating the Code of Conduct.

20. Let me end by submitting that the atrocious, unconscionable, unconstitutional and duplicitous suspension of the CJN by this vicious and totalitarian regime has eroded our democracy. We all have a duty to oppose and resist it, not for the sake of Justice Onnoghen, but for the sake of posterity and the verdict of history. We should not excuse or defend this crass impunity because of political expediency.

Corruption must be tackled, but not by corrupt means. We must send a message to President Buhari that Nigeria is greater than him.

h

Constitutional Crisis As Buhari Illegally Suspends CJN

Constitutional Crisis As Buhari Illegally Suspends CJN

The attention of Southern and Middle Belt Leaders has been drawn to a coup against Constitutional Democracy in Nigeria  by President Muhammadu Buhari by the Suspension of CJN Walter Onoghen this evening and swearing in a replacement. 

This is a constitutional crisis foisted by desperation and morbid desire to foist rule of thumb.

We have checked through the constitution and the President has no power to unilaterally suspend the CJN.

Section 292 of the amended 1999 Constitution is clear that the President can only remove the CJN with 2/3 of Senate resolution.

To us what has been done is  resort to self-help after the Court of Appeal issued an order stopping the trial of the CJN by the CCT presided over by a man answering charges in court over corruption  allegations but still in office. 

The latest action is a clear suspension of the constitution and enthronement of full blown dictatorship .

We reject the illegal suspension and demand its immediate reversal. 

The suspension is null and void and of no effect whatever .

An emergency meeting of the Forum holds shortly on this total aberration. 

We call on all  Nigerians to wake up to the reality that our democracy is now under threat and use all constitutional means to defend it.

We must not surrender to this authoritarian rule .

Chief E K Clark

South South 

Chief Ayo Adebanjo 

South  West 

Chief John Nwodo 

South East 

Dr Pogu Bitrus 

Midddle Belt

FORMER PRESIDENT OBASANJO ACCUSED BUHARI

Former President, Olusegun Obasanjo has accused Buhari of attempting to rig the forthcoming elections.

Read 25 Things Obasanjo Said About Buhari, Osinbajo And INEC Today ;

1. "Democracy becomes a sham if elections are carried out by people who should be impartial and neutral umpires, but who show no integrity…"

2. "The transmission and collation of results are subject to interference, manipulation and meddling. If the INEC's favourite political party wins with all the above infractions, the result will be conclusively declared and if not, there will be a 'rerun'."

3. "The track record of the present INEC is fairly sordid and all men and women of goodwill and believers in democracy must be prepared for the worst from INEC and their encouragers…"

4. "Amina Zakari has become too controversial a figure to be able to give assurance of free, fair and credible election for INEC."

5. "A judge does not sit in judgement over a case once he or she becomes a cause for controversy… Madam Amina Zakari should, in honour, stay out and not be seen as a source of contamination of the election."

6. "Amina Zakari is not the only Commissioner that can be in the Collation Centre. Let the INEC Chairman act boldly and impartially and prove his absolute neutrality and responsiveness…"

ON BUHARI

7. "Some men of God would hold President Buhari to his word on free, fair, credible and peaceful elections. I am a realist… I am not persuaded by a track record of hollow words, impunity, insensitivity and 'I-couldn't-care-less' attitude."

8. "It is no use, at this juncture, to keep lamenting about the failure, incompetence, divisiveness, nepotism, encouragement and condonation of corruption by Buhari administration…"

10. "President Buhari and his hatchet men in the coming election think that the judiciary must be primed in their favour. Hence, the Chief Justice of Nigeria… has been harassed and prosecuted…"

C

11. "President Buhari and his people believe no stone should be left unturned to rig Buhari in. It seems to be a ploy to intimidate the judiciary as a whole in preparation for all election cases that will go before them."

12. "Buhari has succeeded in deceiving us the first time and we will be fools to allow ourselves to be deceived the second time."

13. "Even when figures, facts and statistics are made clear to Buhari, he keeps repeating what is untrue, either because he cannot understand or for mischief purposes and that places him on the level of a pathological liar."

14. "[Buhari] believes he can get away with impunity and deceit as he seems to have done on many occasions in the past."

15. "Bola Tinubu's statement about Muhammadu Buhari in 2003 is fairly prophetic, "Muhammadu Buhari is an agent of destabilisation, ethnic bigot and religious fanatic who, if given the chance, would ensure the disintegration of the country. His ethnocentrism would jeopardise Nigeria's national unity.""

16. "Buhari's watch can be likened to what we witnessed under Gen. Sani Abacha in many ways. When Abacha decided that he must install himself as Nigerian President by all means and at all costs, he went for broke and surrounded himself with hatchet men who on his order and in his interest and at high costs to Nigeria and Nigerians maimed, tortured and killed for Abacha."

17. "…we have heard of how Buhari and his party are going about his own self-succession project. They have started recruiting collation officers who are already awarding results based on their projects to actualise the perpetuation agenda…"

18. Buhari's "henchmen are working round the clock in cahoots with security and election officials to perfect their plan by computing results right from the ward to local government, state and national levels to allot him what will look like a landslide victory irrespective of the true situation…"

19. "The current plan is to drape the pre-determined results with a toga of credibility. It is also planned that violence of unimaginable proportion will be unleashed in high voting population areas across the country to precipitate re-run elections and where [Buhari] will be returned duly elected after concentration of security…"

20. "Buhari's scheme bears eloquent testimony to this road similar to Abacha whom he has praised to high heavens and as an arch-supporter and beneficiary from Abacha, he has seen nothing wrong done by him. "

21. "It is clear from all indications that Buhari is putting into practice the lessons he learned from Abacha. Buhari has intimidated and harassed the private sector, attacked the National Assembly and now unconstitutionally and recklessly attacked and intimidated the Judiciary to cow them to submission."

ON OSINBAJO

22. "Osinbajo must have gone for, "if you can't beat them, join them". A great pity indeed and which makes people ask the questions, "Any hope?"

23. "Osinbajo has shown the human weakness and proved the saying that the corruption of the best is the worst form of corruption."

24. "What is the connection between taking the number of PVC of the 'traders' and the forthcoming election? There is something sinister about it, and Professor Osinbajo, of all people, should know that."

ON DEMOCRACY

25. "This is a time for vigilance to fight to safeguard our votes and defend our democracy. The price of liberty and sustenance of our democracy is eternal vigilance and  appropriate reaction to ward off iniquities… We must all be ready to pay that price and not relying on hollow words of callousness. The derailment of Nigerian democracy will be a monumental disaster comparable to the disaster of the Nigerian first military coup…Nigeria must not be allowed to slip off the democratic path nor go into anarchy and ruin. No individual nor group has monopoly of violence or gangsterism…"

Corruption Allegations: In Case FG Has Forgotten These Cases

By Dirisu Yakubu 


The victory of the All Progressives Congress, APC, in the 2015 Presidential elections elicited hope of the unusual variant.

For well-meaning Nigerians and friends of the nation, the emergence of a man seen by many as an incorruptible left-wing politician was the beginning of good things to come for Africa's largest democracy. 

Muhammadu Buhari, in 2015 enlisted into a unique guild of statesmen who have had the rare privilege of presiding over the affairs of the nation both as military Heads of State and democratically elected President. 

Until his victory in the last general election, the only member in that unique class was President Olusegun Obasanjo who governed the country for eight years (1999-2007) under a constitutional democracy. 

Before providence shone on him, Buhari who had on three occasions contested the highest elective office in the land without success had openly mouthed his desire to weed out corruption, root and branch from the nation's psyche. No one with soiled hands, he had boasted, would walk the streets a free man until he or she is made to face the full wrath of the law.

Thus, upon assumption of office, the war against all forms of corruption was expected to task the energy of the first citizen as Nigerians waited earnestly to see convictions of corrupt elements, who had in the past, enriched themselves with our collective patrimony. 

As Mr. President's tenure comes to an end in just a few months from now, the administration last week made a futile attempt to arraign one of its biggest officials for alleged corruption. 

The Chief Justice of Nigeria, CJN, Walter Onnoghen is alleged to have failed to declare his assets and to demonstrate its commitment to zero tolerance for graft; the federal government through the Code of Conduct Bureau, CCB, is set and plans to arraign him before the Code of Conduct Tribunal, CCT in the days ahead.

However, prominent Nigerians have kicked against the move, counselling the President Muhammadu Buhari-led government to instead, beam its searchlight on a litany of corruption allegations involving people close to his government. 


NNPC $25 billion contract scam 

When allegations of procedural infractions in contracts award of about $25 billion were made against the Group Managing Director of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, NNPC, Maikanti Baru by the Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Ibe Kachikwu were made public in 2017; Nigerians expected swift action, especially given that the man who pointed an accusing finger was a serving minister. 

Kachikwu had claimed in his petition that Baru never consulted the Board Services Committee, before terminating some appointment of senior staff even as he alleged that the NNPC Board was not carried along in the awards of contracts. According to the minister, the standard legal requirement is that any contract above the sum of $20 million must be approved by the Board; a fact he accused Baru of glossing over. 

The minister listed major contracts awarded by Baru without the input of NNPC board to include $10 billion crude term contracts; $5 billion Direct Sales Direct Purchase (DSDP) contracts; $3 billion AKK pipeline contract; financing allocation funding contracts worth $3 billion; and NPDC production service contracts worth $3-$4 billion.

In what appeared a description of his growing frustration with the NNPC boss; Kachikwu penned these lines which led to many Nigerians calling on President Buhari to swing into action:

As in many cases of things that happen in NNPC these days, I learn of transactions only through publications in the media. The question is, why is it that other parastatals which I supervise as Minister of State or chair their boards are able to go through these contractual and mandatory governance processes and yet NNPC is exempt from these?" Baru would later provide a defence, and he came short of accusing Kachikwu of knowing only a fraction of the laws governing contractual processes at the NNPC. The issue has since died naturally, with both the accuser and the accused mending fences.


Babachir Lawal's multi-million naira grass-cutting scandal

His appointment as Secretary to the Government of the Federation, SGF was hailed by those who knew him as a demonstration of President Buhari's readiness to do away with the recycling culture that had permeated the polity for decades. The SGF Office is seen as one of the most influential in the Presidency, given its pivotal role in policy drive, monitoring and evaluation.

Not long after he was appointed to supervise the Presidential Initiative for the North East (PINE), allegations of fraud were levied against him, prompting calls for his sack, arrest and prosecution. 

Lawal who hails from Adamawa State, was accused of awarding a grass-cutting contracts to Josmon Technologies Limited, which thereafter paid about N317 million to Rholavison Engineering Company Limited, owned by the former SGF.

Worrisome still is that the grass-cutting contract was awarded while Lawal was still the nation's chief scribe; a clear breach of the nation's code of conduct for public officers and the Procurement Act. A total of at least five companies were alleged to have transferred millions of money to Lawal's company and into his private account with Diamond Bank PLC in tranches.

Additionally, he was said to have awarded contracts to cronies who owned firms that failed to pass the requirements set by law.

However, rather than calling on the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC to wade into the matter, President Muhammadu Buhari set up a panel to investigate the issues raised and on October 30, 2017, he accepted the recommendations of the panel, headed by Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, SAN.

He was subsequently ordered to vacate his office while a fellow Adamawa indigene, Boss Mustapha was appointed in his stead. Buhari had earlier cleared Lawal on the grounds that the National Assembly which first investigated the matter did not give him a fair hearing. National outcry followed and the President appointed the Osinbajo panel.

Although the EFCC submitted the report of its independent investigation to the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami, no action has been taken yet, fuelling insinuations that the man may have been left off the hook. 


Professor Usman Yusuf NHISGATE 

He exhibited an uncommon stubbornness that shocked not only those bent on seeing him quit his office but many Nigerians as well. Professor Usman Yusuf, until recently, the Executive Secretary of the National Health Insurance Scheme, NHIS last year was on the spotlight for reasons bordering on alleged corruption and abuse of office. NHIS chairman, Mrs. Enyatu Ifenre while testifying before a panel set up by the House of Representatives, accused Usman of paying consultants N508 million without recourse to due process.

She also claimed that the Professor spent another N48 million on staff training without the approval of the governing board of the scheme as required by law. He was also accused by the representative of the Civil Servants Association of Health Workers, Omomeji Abdulrazak of awarding corts worth N46 million and N17.5 million for maintenance and capacity building to Lubek Nigeria Limited; a company Usman allegedly had controlling interest and owned by his nephew, Hassan Yusuf. His accusers also claimed that he spent N567 million for the payment of his seven police orderlies without approval.

With persistent call for his removal getting louder; President Buhari finally ordered his ouster but not a word has been heard from the anti-corruption agencies.


Kemi Adeosun's NYSC certificate ordeal 

Her British accent complimented an undeniable brilliance to cap a fulfilled life for pretty Kemi, who after earning deserved ovation for doing pretty well to reflate the Ogun state economy as Finance commissioner, got appointed as Minister of Finance. 

She did get a pat on the back for steering the economy during the turbulent days of recession; Kemi would later get more than she bargained for when news filtered in that the National Youth Service Corps Exemption certificate she paraded was forged. 

She threatened legal action and sang her innocence to high heavens but the media stuck to its guns, insisting that Kemi, a graduate of Economics from the University of East London, indeed presented a forged the certificate. Some reports claimed the ground was getting set to fire her until she threw in the towel, tendered an apology and left the shores of Nigeria in controversial circumstances.

What pained many Nigerians to the bones was the defence put up by Presidential aide, Professor Itse Sagay to the effect that Kemi should be left on her job even as he questioned the relevance of the scheme.

"Who cares about youth service? I don't bloody care whether she did youth service or not. It is irrelevant as far as I am concerned,' Sagay, a Professor of Law was quoted as saying. Kemi left Nigeria without the law taking its course l 


Okoi Obono-Obla WAEC Certificate controversy

Like Adeosun, Special Assistant to President Muhammadu Buhari on Prosecutions, Mr. Okoi Obono Obla is enmeshed in certificate forgery scam. A report by the House of Representatives panel indicted him for allegedly forging his secondary school certificate, with which he secured admission to the University of Jos to study Law.

The University, called upon to state its position, held that the result deposed was the same one used by Obono-Obla to gain admission into its Law faculty. 

However, the lawyer brushed aside the allegations, claiming that the lawmakers lacked the powers to investigate criminal matters.


Maina's ghost-mode and missing billions 

Abdulrasheed Mina first came into national limelight when he was appointed chairman, Presidential Task Force on Pension Reforms. Rather than clean up the mess, he was soon involved in allegations of N2 billion Pension Biometric Scam in the office of the Head of Civil Service of the Federation.

Before calls for his arrest became public, he ran away even as the Interpol were put on the alert. In a dramatic twist however, he made his way back into the civil service under the present administration, with a promotion and a new desk at the Ministry of Interior. With Nigerians bent on seeing the end of the matter, Borno-born Maina ran away for the second time and has since not been seen.


Ganduje's video

Kano state governor, Abdullahi Ganduje was recorded collecting bribe in foreign currency in what has been described as kickback from contractors working for the state government. A voice in the video could be heard telling the governor, "I think you should collect this money before anyone walks in. "I think you should put it on your body to conceal it with your babanriga." 

No one expects any action given Ganduje's immunity as provided in Section 308 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended). So, what is to be made of the anti-corruption war ably led by President Buhari? For Mike Ozekhome, SAN, human rights activist and Constitutional lawyer, there is no such thing as anti-corruption at the moment.

Speaking exclusively to Saturday Vanguard, Edo-born Ozekhome said, "There is not and has never been any true fight against corruption.

What we have had has been an onslaught on opposition and critical voices, whilst the government carefully protects the corrupt elements in their midst.

Over 90% of the cases in court against these people arise from Peoples Democratic Party, PDP campaign funds which were privately sourced. Meanwhile, all the campaign funds of the ruling ALL Progressives Congress, APC have never been investigated, including those that funded the President. Some were indicted by Commissions of Inquiry in their states, but the government has never prosecuted any of them.

All you need do to be cleansed of your corruption is to decamp and join the APC Like Naman, the leper who was dipped into River Jordan 7 times and became immediately cleansed of leprosy."

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DANGOTE AND BUHARIS RE ELECTION

DANGOTE AND BUHARIS RE ELECTION

The Buhari-Dangote Conspiracy against Nigerians

By OSA 

There is no need for a denial. Aliko Dangote and Femi Otedola are not partisan politicians; they don't belong to any party and couldn't have, therefore, been named members of the "APC Presidential Campaign Council." But they could still perform more strategic roles as members of the "APC Special Advisory Council." What's in a name anyway? Nobody is fooled.

I have credible intelligence revealing why Dangote and Otedola have suddenly joined the Buhari presidential campaign. It concerns Dangote's readiness to roll out billions of naira in campaign finance support.  

There have been some last-minute deals which, if allowed to happen, would make Dangote among the 10 richest people in the world, and make Nigeria a Dangote incorporated entity. 

What are these irresistible deals offered to Dangote? And why must Dangote carry Otedola along?

The two big deals involve the sale of the country's four refineries to Dangote's foreign business partners. This is to avoid anyone raising an eyebrow or fear that Buhari is selling such important assets directly to Dangote in exchange for partly financing his campaign.

The game plan here is that once the refineries are sold as scrap by the federal government, the so-called foreign owners would so run them down that the federal government would announce that it would be taking back these refineries. Once this happened, the next announcement from the same federal government would be that it has found Dangote and Otedola as the local buyers and who have what it takes to own and manage the four refineries.  Eventually, the federal government would pretend as if circumstances were forcing it to hand them to the two at a little fee.

Otedola, it was gathered, will get two of the four refineries. And for him to focus on these deals, he was advised to quickly divest in Forte Oil Plc., which is debt-ridden. 

The second irresistible deal is Ajaokuta Steel Company. The same strategy used in the sale of the refineries would be applicable in the sale of Ajaokuta.

Dangote, I learned, was also reminded how good Buhari has been to his business. In particular he was reminded how he enjoyed the lowest forex rates – they were far below official rates – which the presidency mandated the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) to provide for him in the name of forex for Dangote Refinery and Petrochemical. That was besides the gas-for-fertiliser deal the Dangote Group and the OCP Group of Morocco signed in late 2016, which was facilitated by the federal government.

In return, the Buhari Campaign has asked Dangote to support Buhari's re-election with some undisclosed billions of naira as campaign support.This request from Dangote is besides the N500 billion --- I repeat, N500 billion -- that has already been mapped out for vote buying: it is expected to buy as many as 25 million votes at N20, 000 for each vote. 

There are two dangerous implications here. 

First, with these deals Dangote may soon become Nigeria's and Africa's Rockefeller, the same man whose capability to buy over American politicians was able to destroy America's capitalist system, as he turned America into his private empire. And with his complete access to the US federal government, not only did he create oil cartels, he went as far as creating monopolies across industries, which he used in destroying any form of competition and buying over those he couldn't destroy, including all potential competitors. That this led  post-war US' de-industrialization and economic financialization explains why America is yet to recover and become a leading global manufacturing hub like Japan, Germany and recently China and India. 

Second, like the same Rockefeller, Dangote could, on becoming so rich and so much involved in Nigerian politics and political campaign financing, literally decide who will be elected as federal lawmakers along with who will be elected governors of the 36 states and, of course, who will become Nigeria's president. 

With this newly handed political power by Buhari via this on-going game, Dangote would, apart from having his cronies populating the three tiers of government, including the judiciary, also ensure that his cronies head virtually all the ministries, departments and agencies of government including the police, the military, DSS, immigration, and of course the Federal Inland Revenue Service, customs, and the anti-graft agencies. 

If Nigerians allowed Buhari to win and get these deals concluded, then, they would live to regret it, just as Americans are yet to free themselves from Rockefeller's control of both America's economy and politics. For instance, Dangote would be the person to control the country's foreign policies and its trade policies. Above all, he would decide the country's fiscal and monetary policies, given that it is his cronies who would be populating the country's ministries of foreign affairs and finance. It also means that the CBN would be so under his control to the extent that he could decide from time to time who would be appointed the governor and deputy governors. 

During the three weeks of top secret negotiations between Dangote and the Buhari Campaign headed by the powerful cabal, it was learned, there was intense fear that if Atiku was allowed to win the presidential election, which is increasingly becoming evident, the Dangote business built on government cronyism would suffer a terrible setback.

Starting with Atiku's plan to restructure the country, there is the fear that a restructured Nigeria would make it extremely difficult for Dangote's oil blocks to remain in his hands. But most important is the fate of Dangote Refinery which has been freely taking the South-South's oil and gas simply in connivance with the federal government. 

Dangote fears that an Atiku presidency will lead to privatising the four refineries and handing them to real serious investors. The new owners of the refineries will no doubt bring competition and force down high pump prices of fuel. With his refinery nearing completion, Dangote is planning to unleash high fuel prices on Nigerian consumers. 

Maybe most Nigerians do not know that it is as a result of Dangote's monopoly of cement that the commodity costs the highest in Nigeria. What about salt, sugar, flour, pasta, beverages, tomato paste, Indomie, and rice? Others are real estate, furniture, garments, motor spare part, tyre, battery, telecommunications, and SunTrust Bank secretly established in 2016. Dangote is the majority shareholder of the bank. Dangote's plans, which Buhari's cabal is excited about, is to soon put millions of small businesses in the country completely out of business. 

But more dangerous is that he is about to join the GMO foods production. What this means is that, soon, you and I will begin to eat Dangote cancer-causing processed foods such as carrot, corn, rice, potato, orange, pineapple, papaya and cabbage. And Dangote's political and economic power? No one can ever try to stand in his way without expecting to be crushed! There are Dangote police in most of our cities already.  

The strategic sole aim of these businesses – including Dangote's forthcoming retail business chain that will soon be seen littering Nigerian cities, known as Danmart – will put millions of our small retail business owners out of business. If this should be allowed to happen, it might no longer be difficult for him to also impose his planned monopoly prices on other petroleum products, petrochemicals and fertiliser. 

In the meantime Obasanjo is alarmed. Also alarmed are other powerful generals who are already in possession of information about what is feared to happen to Nigeria should Buhari force himself on Nigerians through vote buying and outright election rigging.

Buhari's re-election is like an atomic bomb that must not be allowed to explode in Nigeria. In particular, it would trigger ethnic and religious conflicts in Nigeria -- with millions caught up in civil turmoil that will force them to head for neighbouring West African countries, other African countries and potentially Europe as refugees. However, there is already an agreement among world leaders that everything should be done to stop Buhari's re-election in order to save Nigeria from internal disintegration.

It was on the basis of this frightening scenario that, as far back as July 2018, concerned world leaders agreed that the only way to avert such post-election ethnic and religious crisis in Nigeria is to not allow Buhari steal a second term. Those who had access to this global consensus know that has since sealed Buhari's hope of being re-elected Nigeria's president.

Because die-hard supporters of Buhari do not have access to this damning intelligence report on Nigeria, they are understandably still shouting "Buhari is going to win" the February 16 presidential election. Had they seen that report, or understood the fear that any attempt to declare him winner would instantly ignite revolts across the country – they could start in Port Harcourt and spread like wildfire to Lagos, Abuja, Kano, Kaduna, Onitsha, Ibadan, etc. –the die-hard Buharists definitely wouldn't be shouting "Buhari must win". 

Understandably, Nigeria's powerful retired generals such as Obasanjo, IBB, Gusau, Danjuma, and Abdulsalami Abubakar who are in possession of that report are doing everything to save Nigeria from a second civil war that could bring to an end the nation we all call ours.
*THAT IS THE NEXT LEVEL BUHARI IS TAKING NIGERIANS TO.

Ghana revokes licences of two banks.

By Davis Akufor

Ghana's Central Bank on Saturday disclosed the revocation of the operating licences of two more banks, Premium Bank and Heritage Bank.

Announcing the decision, Ernest Addison, Governor of Bank of Ghana, said the two years long banking sector cleanup had come to an end, leaving 23 universal banks out of an initial 35.

INEC’s Troubling Missteps Amid Aso Rock’s Desperation By FAF

INEC's Troubling Missteps Amid Aso Rock's Desperation

By FAF

There is a noticeable whirl of feverish desperation in the Presidential Villa. No perceptive person can miss that.  From indiscriminately arresting and detaining political opponents and critics, to squelching dissent in the traditional news media through blackmail and threats, to undisguisedly deploying security forces in the service of overt partisan agendas, it's now starkly transparent that the Buhari regime is not interested in or prepared for a fair electoral contest.

 The starker the reality of impending electoral defeat stares the regime in the face, the more extreme the intensity of its desperation becomes. All the institutions that are crucial to a free and transparent election are now compromised. For instance, service chiefs, who are required by law to be apolitical, attended the president's reelection campaign event in mid-November 2018, and by late November 2018, Chief of Army Staff Tukur Buratai said the army would "replicate"the "success" (read: massive rigging) that took place in Ekiti and Osun elections) in this year's presidential election.

EFCC chairman Ibrahim Magu also attended an "IStandWithBuhari"rally in February 2016 and proudly wore Buhari's reelection campaign lapel pin in May 2018 during a TV appearance. He was also caught on camera seated close to Vice President Yemi Osinbajo on December 5, 2018 in Lagos "at a gathering to strategise on the re-election campaign of President Muhammadu Buhari." After widespread backlash, he got Channels TV (which was once called out by BBC Journalist Anna Cunningham on November 27, 2018 for editing out embarrassing quotes from presidential spokesman Femi Adesina's interview with it after a live broadcast) to say that he was superimposed into the video in error, even though he admitted to being at the hotel where the event took place to see his "sick relative"!

The Inspector General of Police (whom I have renamed the Inspector General of the President) makes no pretenses to being anything other than a barefaced, unblushing partisan hack working for the president's reelection.

That is why there is heightened anxiety about the neutrality of the Independent national Electoral Commission in the forthcoming election. The appointment of INEC commissioner Mrs. Amina Zakari as head of the committee that will be in charge of the "secretariat for collation of results and venue for briefing of international observers and the media" has pushed this anxiety to the forefront of national consciousness.

Mrs. Zakari's father was once married to Buhari's biological sister. Her own mother is also from Daura. Although no one has been able to definitively establish any blood kinship between Mrs. Zakari's biological mother and Buhari, it isn't far-fetched that they could be distant cousins since Daura is a small town, and in small towns almost everyone is related.

But that's not really the issue. To be fair to Mrs. Zakari, she was first appointed as an INEC national commissioner by Goodluck Jonathan in 2011, and her relationship with the president in and of itself isn't enough reason to question her neutrality. Nevertheless, given the frenetic, devil-may-care recklessness and desperation of the honchos of the Buhari presidency, it is entirely reasonable to suspect that her appointment to the headship of that committee was designed to rig the vote in favor of Buhari.

This suspicion isn't wild, groundless, or impulsive. On October 26, 2018, for instance, Chief of Staff to the president Abba Kyari invited the INEC chairman to his office at the Presidential Villa for a closed-door meeting. That's unprecedented in the political history of Nigeria. The Chief of Staff to the President is not a constitutionally recognized position. He has no legal powers to summon the INEC boss for a meeting. The meeting was particularly suspicious because it came on the heels of Mrs. Zakari's redeployment from being head of INEC's electoral operations and logistics to being head of its health and welfare department, which is consistent with her disciplinary training as a pharmacist.

INEC chairman redeployed her apparently in response to concerns by opposition parties that she couldn't be trusted to be fair to all parties in her role as director of logistics in view of her well-known relationship to the president. The INEC chairman seemingly bowed to pressure from the presidency and put Mrs. Zakari back at the core of the electoral process.

So opposition parties are justified to be outraged by what seems like the willful arm-twisting of INEC by the presidency in the service of the president's reelection bid. Josef Stalin once said in 1923, "I consider it completely unimportant who… will vote, or how; but what is extraordinarily important is this — who will count the votes, and how." Nicaraguan dictator Anastasio Somoza was coarser and blunter in his taunts at a political opponent he "defeated": "Indeed, you won the elections, but I won the count." And this was how the New York Times of May 26, 1880 summed up the thoughts of French general Napoleon Bonaparte (who became emperor of France) about elections: "I care not who casts the votes of a nation, provided I can count them."

As the reader can see, historically, dictators like Buhari have always cared more about the count than they've done about the vote. That's why Buhari hasn't been campaigning for the forthcoming election. His energies are being expended on how to successfully manipulate the count to his advantage. That's why the appointment of his relative (by marriage and possibly by distant blood ties) as head of the count, particularly in the aftermath of the INEC chairman's meeting with Abba Kyari, one of the three-man cabal for whom Buhari is a lifeless surrogate, is justifiably perturbing.

I must point out, though, that in spite of the indefensibly disgraceful elections he conducted in Ekiti and Osun states, the INEC chairman has demonstrated praiseworthy independence in the last few months. For example, he stuck to his guns and bucked pressures to allow Zamfara APC to field candidates for the forthcoming election after failing to meet the deadline to submit the names of their candidates.

He has also insisted, at least up to the time of writing this column, that only card readers will be used in the 2019 election. Where card readers don't work, he said, incidence reports won't be accepted as stand-ins. That's commendably bold and reassuring, considering that INEC data from the 2015 election showed that Buhari was a disproportionate beneficiary of possibly fraudulent votes that were masked with and legitimized by "incidence forms." "Of the 31,746,490 accredited voters in the election, 13,536,311 — representing 42.6 percent of voters — voted without biometric accreditation. Out of this number, 10,184,720 votes are from states won by Buhari," according to DeepDive Intelligence, which got the data from INEC's website.

Nevertheless, INEC would reassure voters even more if it rescinds its decision to make Mrs. Zakari the head of collation. Ultimately, who counts the vote matters more than the vote itself, especially when a desperate, drowning dictator is a contestant.

Special Squad From Abuja Storms Akwa Ibom, Arrests Assembly Clerk, Cashier

Special Squad From Abuja Storms Akwa Ibom, Arrests Assembly Clerk, Cashier

Olufemi Aduwo / 1 hour ago

BREAKING!!! Special Squad From Abuja Storms A'Ibom, Arrest Assembly Clerk, Cashier Over Sacked APC Lawmakers


Following the sack of some All Progressives Congress lawmakers, clerk of the Akwa Ibom State House of Assembly, Mrs Mandu Umoren, together with the assembly's cashier, Mr Monday Akpan, have been unlawful arrested by the Police on Friday. 

Voxipopulid gathered that their arrest was because of what they tagged "unpaid working imprest " of five former lawmakers whose seats were declared vacant by the House in November.

We also gathered that Umoren and Akpan were invited to the state police headquarters in Uyo to explain issues and make statements surrounding the said payment, but were detained afterwards and up till 5.30 pm they were yet to be released.

The five sacked lawmakers namely Idongesit Ituen, Nse Ntuen, Gabriel Tobi, Victor Udofia, and Otobong were said to have written a petitioned to the police insisting on the forceful payment of their imprest for the month of December.

Police Public Relations officer, DSP Odiko Macdon, could not be reached as of the time of filing this report. But Macdon, who confirmed custody of the two Assembly officials to Uyo based Inspiration Fm, moments ago, said they were under investigation and that there were not under arrest.

Sources at the police headquarters told voxipopulid that a special police squad had landed the Victor Attah International Airport this afternoon on a special mission to ensure the illegal payment of the working imprest to the five former lawmakers.

Speaker of the House, Onofiok Luke, had cited infringement of Section 109 (1) g (2) by the former lawmakers, who defected from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC), before he declared their seats vacant.